On 27/01/2025
In CSI articles
The challenges and prospects of the Mattei Plan: an ambitious initiative launched by the Italian government to strengthen relations between Italy and Africa.
Written by : Titouan BRAUX SALVAYRE.
The article in a nutshell:
Almost a year ago, on 29 January 2024, during Italy’s presidency of the G7, the Italian government organised an Italy-Africa conference in Rome. This summit, which brought together 26 African heads of state and government as well as numerous high-level European delegations, including Ursula von der Leyen and the main United Nations agencies, marked a notable diplomatic success for Giorgia Meloni’s administration.
This initiative is part of the Mattei Plan, an ambitious project to strengthen relations between Italy and Africa, presented as an alternative to traditional European approaches. The project was announced as long ago as October 2022: Giorgia Meloni mentioned it during her investiture speech to the Chamber of Deputies, with the aim of relaunching Italian-African relations , with the overall objectives of combating mass immigration directly at source andcontaining Islamic radicalism.
The 2022 speech on the Mattei Plan was presented as a political manifesto aimed at initiating a mechanism, without being backed up by a detailed strategy, much to the dismay of European chancelleries, which were hoping for a concrete text. Although Giorgia Meloni’s inaugural speech had far-reaching consequences, it set in motion a slow process, with the establishment in November 2023 of a coordination structure under the authority of the Prime Minister. It was not until the Italy-Africa Conference in January 2024 that concrete actions began to emerge, with the Mattei Plan proving to be more of a method than a rigorous plan.
In mid-July 2024, the Italy-Africa Strategic Plan: Mattei Plan was unveiled in greater detail in a strategic document accompanying the decree of the President of the Council of Ministers. This document highlights the importance of the partnership between Italy and Africa, details the criteria for intervention and sets out the objectives of the Plan. The Plan aims to promote sustainable growth on the continent, while guaranteeing the ” right not to migrate ” of local populations, thereby ensuring stability and security, as well as a framework conducive to stronger economic relations between Italy and its African partners.
The historical context and development of Italy’s Africa policy
The Italy-Africa conference in January 2024 highlights the development of an African policy by Italy, which was previously difficult to identify. Despite links of interest and networks with Africa, Italy neither claimed nor organised a coherent African policy. A turning point came under Matteo Renzi, who between 2014 and 2016 made several visits to Africa, asserting a vision and a capacity for initiative. Before Renzi, Italy’s Africa policy was a non-policy, although its components provide a better understanding of current action. Marco Minniti, under the Gentiloni government, continued this orientation by advocating treating the causes of immigration at source, focusing on development in Africa.
The impetus given by Giorgia Meloni is part of this continuity. Her government is seeking to establish a partnership of equals with African countries, moving away from past colonial approaches. The mention of the Mattei Plan has a strong symbolic value, referring to Enrico Mattei, founder of ENI, who in the 1950s established contracts favourable to development with the countries of the southern shore. Giorgia Meloni is asserting continuity with a national foreign policy centred on energy supply, embodied by ENI. The Mattei Plan symbolises a move away from Italy’s classic diplomatic traditions, often perceived as a brake on reformism. This vision highlights Italy’s autonomy in Africa, recalling ENI’s development contracts in the 1950s, and underlines a persistent rivalry with France, particularly in the Maghreb, where ENI supported Algeria during its independence, evoking historical rivalries and Mattei’s controversial death in 1962.
ENI, a group that is economically solid and discreet in its international strategies, finds itself at the heart of the Italian government’s African initiative, a delicate process for the company. In 2023, mediation work was carried out to give content to the Mattei Plan, aligned with ENI’s traditional orientations. Faced with the war in Ukraine, ENI had already reoriented its strategy to reduce its dependence on Russian gas and diversify its sources, particularly in Africa, a move begun under the Draghi government even before it became involved in the Mattei Plan. In addition to Eni, Leonardo, Fincantieri and ENEL are examples of private companies partly controlled by the Treasury via a minority shareholding, embodying Italian interests to varying degrees. These companies often have greater strategic capabilities than the supervisory authorities. When it comes to Africa, ENI is inevitably mentioned, but other players such as ENEL are also emerging, particularly in the context of investment in renewable energy under the Mattei Plan.
In addition to these large companies, there are other players. Italy’s small and medium-sized enterprises have a strong inclination to export, including to Africa. However, Italy faces a trade deficit with the continent, mainly due to energy imports, especially gas from Algeria and Libya. Despite this imbalance, some sectors are seeing growth in Italian exports to Africa.
Africa plays a crucial role for the Catholic Church, with many Italian players, often from the Catholic galaxy, having close links with the continent. Among them, the Community of Sant’Egidio stands out for its parallel diplomacy, supported by remarkable networks. A striking example of its influence is its role in the Mozambique peace accords of 1992. Andrea Riccardi, co-founder of the community, was also Minister for International Cooperation in the Monti government between 2011 and 2013. These factors show the importance of Sant’Egidio, a lay movement affiliated to the Vatican, in peace efforts in Africa. There are also combined missionaries and Italian Catholic NGOs.
Structure and objectives
The Plan will receive initial funding of €5.5 billion in the form of grants, loans and guarantees. Three billion will be allocated from the National Climate Fund, managed by the public development bank Cassa Depositi e Prestiti (CDP) and supervised by the Ministry of the Environment, while 2.5 billion will come from the development cooperation budget. A Steering Committee, reporting to the Prime Minister’s Office, coordinates the Plan, liaising with various key players in the national cooperation system, including ministries, CDP, the Italian Development Cooperation Agency (AICS), the Italian Trade Agency, the Italian Export Credit Agency, as well as local authorities, civil society organisations and the private sector.
The Mattei Plan began with nine pilot projects in Algeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Egypt, Ethiopia, Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, Morocco, Mozambique and Tunisia. These projects will focus on five key areas: education, training, agriculture, health, energy and water. The Plan aims to establish a new type of partnership with African countries, based on a gradual approach in which the objectives are defined jointly with the partners, while integrating with European initiatives such as the Team Europe Initiatives and the Global Gateway, as well as with other international players, such as the United States and the Gulf States. The Mattei Plan has generated high expectations in Italy, Africa and the EU, and its innovative approach could redefine Italy’s international development partnerships.
The Mattei Plan is based on several key pillars:
- Build an equal partnership with African nations, avoiding any paternalistic or predatory approach, and based on mutual benefits.
- To foster close and ongoing collaboration with African partners, based on listening and mutual respect.
- Launch pilot projects in targeted countries to test and adapt interventions before they are gradually rolled out.
- Collaborate with European and international initiatives to maximise the impact of joint efforts.
- To ensure that projects bring sustainablesocio-economic benefits to local populations, while promoting regional stability.
- Focusing on renewable energies to support the energy transition in Africa.
There are also six areas for action:
- Education and Training: Promoting access to education and vocational training for Africa’s younger generations.
- Health: Strengthening local health systems and improving access to health services.
- Water: Improving water resource management and access to drinking water.
- Agriculture: Developing sustainable agriculture and ensuring food security.
- Energy: Promoting access to sustainable, clean energy.
- Infrastructure: Improving physical and digital infrastructure.
These objectives aim to strengthen relations between Italy and the African nations by addressing socio-economic challenges and promoting sustainable and inclusive development.
Geopolitical issues and European rivalries
The Italian strategy was widely supported by the main EU institutions, whose representatives took part in the summit at the Italian Senate. Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, stressed that the Mattei Plan represents a major contribution to the new phase of the EU-Africa partnership and is in line with the European Global Gateway programme. This multiannual €300 billion plan aims to improve infrastructures in Africa, the Pacific and Latin America, with a view to achieving sustainable benefits for the partner countries, in line with European values.
The Mattei Plan is fully in line with the EU’s foreign policy priorities, despite the persistent divisions between Member States on the issue of migration. Charles Michel, President of the European Council, and Roberta Metsola, President of the European Parliament, also expressed their support and gratitude to Giorgia Meloni and her government for having developed such an initiative.
The Mattei Plan is also part of a context of rivalry with France, perceived as a historical competitor in Africa. Italy is seeking to take advantage of the growing criticism of France’s presence on the continent to offer an alternative that is perceived as less intrusive. This strategy aims to strengthen Italian influence, particularly in countries such as Niger, where Italy maintains a significant military presence despite recent political upheavals. Until now, Italy has focused mainly on Libya, leaving a certain distance to sub-Saharan Africa. The Italian mission in Niger marks a turning point, linking Italy’s national interest, focused on Libya, with the vision shared by France, Germany and the United States for stabilising the Sahel. This approach combines the fight against terrorism, border security, the fight against illegal emigration and local development.
Criticism and future prospects
Despite its ambitions, the Mattei Plan is raising questions about its practical implementation and its real motives. Some observers see it as a political manoeuvre aimed at strengthening Giorgia Meloni’s position on the domestic scene, particularly in terms of managing migratory flows. Others are concerned about the potential use of funds earmarked for the fight against climate change to finance traditional energy projects, to the detriment of renewable energies.
In the six months since its official launch, the management and organisation of the Plan have encountered a number of critical problems: marked fragmentation, difficulties in integrating individual projects into an overall strategy, and a lack of clarity and transparency. These issues persist despite the publication of the programme and strategy document in July. Although the Prime Minister’s decree provided some clarification, the lack of a mechanism for tracking projects and their objectives remains a major problem. In particular, despite the information provided, there seems to be a lack of a timetable detailing the various phases and deadlines of the pilot projects, as well as indications as to how long these projects will take.
In addition, some of the projects mentioned in the decree have significant shortcomings in terms of precise financial estimates and clear identification of the sources of funding needed to cover the investments.
Finally, the fragmented selection of projects to date has not been based on clear impact criteria or on specific objectives aligned with the development plans of African countries. This complicates the task of preventing these projects from becoming part of a dynamic of clientelism or favouritism, favouring particular interests, whether corporate or governmental.
The reactions of the two main African leaders present at the January 2024 summit differed. Azali Assoumani, current President of the African Union, described the event as a success in terms of balanced relations between Italy, the EU and Africa. On the other hand, Moussa Faki, President of the African Union Commission, criticised the unilateral nature of the Mattei Plan, expressing the wish that Africa had been consulted. This criticism is fuelled by a mistrust of the unfulfilled promises of European countries, which are often perceived as self-serving. However, Mr Faki indicated that Africa would be open to discussing the modalities of the plan.
At the same time, the Italian opposition used the mistrust of the African Union to predict the failure of the project. This criticism comes against a backdrop in which the management of the migration crisis by populist parties, who previously advocated closing ports, remains controversial. A recent example is the agreement with Albania to transfer migrants rescued at sea to two Albanian reception centres, an initiative designed to relieve the Italian centres. This policy is reminiscent of similar initiatives in Europe, such as the UK’s Rwanda Plan, designed to strengthen borders and limit access to the territory. Nevertheless, the Mattei Plan offers Italy an opportunity to redefine its relations with Africa, by proposing an approach based on partnership and mutual respect. Its success will depend on the Italian government’s ability to turn these intentions into concrete actions that will benefit both Italy and its African partners.